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Mon, 28 Jun 2010 15:03:17 -0400 -
Stigall talked with Chris Butler of Butler, Lanz and Wagler about the G20 contradictions, JonahGoldberg's new column, and the "uptick" in consumer spending (wink).

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Mar 4

Written by: Brian
3/4/2010 7:40 AM 

 

McCain and Franken bury the hatchet

By J. Taylor Rushing 03/03/10 06:00 AM ET

A high-profile dust-up in late December between Sens. John McCain (R-Ariz.) and Al Franken (D-Minn.) has not left any ill will between the two men, McCain told The Hill on Tuesday.

McCain downplayed any lingering effects from the exchange, which made national headlines and involved Franken cutting off McCain’s close friend, Sen. Joe Lieberman (I-Conn.), during the healthcare reform debate.

 

Franken, while presiding over the chamber, refused a routine request by Lieberman for more speaking time, stunning Lieberman into responding, “Really?” 

 

At a subsequent press conference, McCain expressed disgust with Franken, saying Lieberman’s request was “objected to by the newest member of the United States Senate in a most brusque way ... We’ve got to stop this kind of behavior. I have never seen anything like that and I hope that I don’t see it again.”

On Tuesday, McCain said he approached Franken after the incident and learned that Franken was simply following orders from Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) to keep speakers to a 10-minute maximum. Reid’s office confirmed the order.

“It wasn’t Sen. Franken that was doing that. He told me he had been instructed not to allow any additional time … He was told to do it. So it was never anything between me and Sen. Franken.”

Franken also got a pass Tuesday from Sen. Chris Dodd (D-Conn.), who made headlines shortly after the Franken-Lieberman exchange when he criticized the Senate’s “newest members” for a lack of decorum in the chamber.

“I have been deeply disturbed by some of the [healthcare] debate I have heard, usually from newer members, usually those who have been here one, two, three years, who do not have an appreciation of what this chamber means and how we work together,” Dodd said at the time.

Dodd told The Hill on Tuesday he wasn’t referring to Franken in his December floor speech and that he has a “very good” relationship with the senator.

“Absolutely not, no,” Dodd said when asked if his speech was referring to Franken. Dodd did not say to whom he was referring.

Franken’s office did not comment by press time.

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February 28, 2010
OP-ED COLUMNIST

How the G.O.P. Goes Green

It is early evening on Capitol Hill, and I am sitting with Senator Lindsey Graham, the South Carolina Republican, who, along with John Kerry and Joe Lieberman, is trying to craft a new energy bill — one that could actually win 60 votes. What is interesting about Graham is that he has been willing — courageously in my view — to depart from the prevailing G.O.P. consensus that the only energy policy we need is “drill, baby, drill.”

What brought you around, I ask? Graham’s short answer: politics, jobs and legacy. We start with politics. The Republican Party today has a major outreach problem with two important constituencies, “Hispanics and young people,” Graham explains:

“I have been to enough college campuses to know if you are 30 or younger this climate issue is not a debate. It’s a value. These young people grew up with recycling and a sensitivity to the environment — and the world will be better off for it. They are not brainwashed. ... From a Republican point of view, we should buy into it and embrace it and not belittle them. You can have a genuine debate about the science of climate change, but when you say that those who believe it are buying a hoax and are wacky people you are putting at risk your party’s future with younger people. You can have a legitimate dispute about how to solve immigration, but when you start focusing on the last names of people the demographics will pass you by.”

So Graham’s approach to bringing around his conservative state has been simple: avoid talking about “climate change,” which many on the right don’t believe. Instead, frame our energy challenge as a need to “clean up carbon pollution,” to “become energy independent” and to “create more good jobs and new industries for South Carolinians.” He proposes “putting a price on carbon,” starting with a very focused carbon tax, as opposed to an economywide cap-and-trade system, so as to spur both consumers and industries to invest in and buy new clean energy products. He includes nuclear energy, and insists on permitting more offshore drilling for oil and gas to give us more domestic sources, as we bridge to a new clean energy economy.

“Cap-and-trade as we know it is dead, but the issue of cleaning up the air and energy independence should not die — and you will never have energy independence without pricing carbon,” Graham argues. “The technology doesn’t make sense until you price carbon. Nuclear power is a bet on cleaner air. Wind and solar is a bet on cleaner air. You make those bets assuming that cleaning the air will become more profitable than leaving the air dirty, and the only way it will be so is if the government puts some sticks on the table — not just carrots. The future economy of America and the jobs of the future are going to be tied to cleaning up the air, and in the process of cleaning up the air this country becomes energy independent and our national security is greatly enhanced.”

Remember, he adds: “We are more dependent on foreign oil today than after 9/11. That is political malpractice, and every member of Congress is responsible.”

This isn’t just for the next generation, says Graham: “As you talk about the future, if you forget the people who live in the present, you will have no future politically. You have to get the people in the present to buy into the future. I tell my voters: ‘If we try to clean up the air and become energy independent, we will create more jobs than anything I can do as a senator.’ General Electric makes all the turbines for the G.E. windmills in Greenville, South Carolina.” He also is pushing to make his state a manufacturing center for nuclear reactor components and biomass from plants and timber.

What would most help him bring around his G.O.P. colleagues? The business lobby. “The Chamber of Commerce and the National Association of Manufacturers need to tell my colleagues it is O.K. to price carbon, if you do it smartly,” he says.

Sure, Graham’s strategy will give many greens heartburn. I don’t agree with every point. But if there is going to be a clean energy bill, greens and Democrats will have to recruit some Republicans. Graham says he’s ready to meet them in the middle. “We’ve got to get started,” he says, “because once we do, every C.E.O. will adopt a carbon strategy, no matter what the law actually requires.”

And for those Republicans who think this is only a loser, Senator Graham says think again: “What is our view of carbon as a party? Are we the party of carbon pollution forever in unlimited amounts? Pricing carbon is the key to energy independence, and the byproduct is that young people look at you differently.” Look at how he is received in colleges today. “Instead of being just one more short, white Republican over 50,” says Graham, “I am now semicool. There is an awareness by young people that I am doing something different.”

Five more G.O.P. senators like him and we could have a real energy bill.

“We can’t be a nation that always tries and fails,” Graham concludes. “We have to eventually get some hard problem right.”


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